Genocidal Self-Incrimination by Danjuma

By Biko Agozino

In an interview with the Vanguard Newspaper, Danjuma confessed that he lost control after arresting the head of state, Ironsi, that he was sworn to protect and that he conspired to assassinate him in retaliation for the January coup of 1966 that even Danjuma acknowledged that Ironsi helped to end, that Ironsi arrested the suspects and jailed them to await trial. Danjuma claimed that they assassinated Ironsi and his Yoruba host, along with numerous Igbo army officers, in retaliation because it was taking too long to bring the suspects to trial and the press were clamoring for their release as national heroes. 

Danjuma did not confess that he has since also lost control of his village and that the same narrative of retaliation is being used to justify the genocide against innocent civilians all over the country. He wondered why the coup makers also killed military officers if they were only after corrupt civilians as if military officers were immune to corruption (no excuse for the assassinations) but he did not say why his retaliatory coup did not go to the prisons to get the coup suspects if their motive was retaliation. He did not spare a thought for millions of civilians killed in his so-called retaliatory coup that he confessed to in self-incrimination. 

There is evidence that more of the Igbo fleeing the initial pogrom from the North were waylaid in Gboko (home area of Danjuma) and systematically massacred as Soyinka recounts in many of his works in different genres and as documented by Obumselu in the massacre of NdiIgbo in Northern Nigeria. The genocide against the Igbo was led by Christian army officers from the Middle Belt and from the West but then blamed on the Muslim Hausa Fulani who are yet to brag about it like Jack Gowon, Theophilus Danjuma, Mathew Obasanjo, Benjamin Adekunle, Anthony Enahoro, and Jeremiah Awolowo with the rare exception of the boast attributed to Buhari that he was ready to kill the Igbo again with no regrets. 

Contrary to the claims by Danjuma, it was not an Igbo coup that killed leaders of other regions and spared Igbo ones (if they also killed Igbo leaders, that would not make it less treasonable). Officers from other parts of Nigeria participated in that coup and their plan was to free a Yoruba leader from prison and put him in power, something that Danjuma and co fulfilled. Yet, the genocide singled out the Igbo for total destruction, forcing the East to secede even though they were the ones persuading other regions not to secede earlier. What have the Igbo done to Danjuma to deserve such unrepentant genocidal hatred when everyone knows that genocide is never justifiable? Other coups have been done by officers from other regions (including the region of Danjuma) and yet no one has tried to subject the people from such regions to the final solution. Why the Igbophobia?

The questions that The Vanguard journalists should have asked the self-confessed genocidist Danjuma are what was the retaliatory cause of the riots against the Igbo during the colonial rule in 1945 in Jos when the war-time scarcity imposed by the British was blamed on Igbo traders and on the NCNC-supported general strike by labour led by Michael Imoudu? How about the Kano massacre of the Igbo still during colonial rule in 1956 following perceived insults to Northern leaders by politicians from Western Nigeria arising from the motion for immediate independence and the amendment of independence when practicable, was that also retaliation against the Igbo for what? 

The use of 'starvation as a legitimate weapon of war' and the indiscriminate defoliation with abundant supply of weapons by the UK Labour Party government and the indiscriminate bombing with jets supplied by the Soviet Union and flown by Egyptian pilots against Biafran civilians, were they also retaliation, for what? How about the extra-judicial killings of innocent youth who have only ever called for a referendum on the future of the country and for the democratic right to stay home and mourn their dead by flying a Black Nationalist flag (that is actually more beautiful than the lame green-white-green imposed by imperialism) in honor of their dead ancestors, how about their proscription as terrorists while 'foreign' cattle herders who have massacred civilians all over the country remain legit? Where are the responses of the Nigerian pseudo-intellectuals to the admission of fascist genocide by Danjuma and co?

As Achebe, Ekwe-Ekwe, Jacobs, Adichie, Emecheta, Uzoigwe, Nzimiro, Soyinka and a few others documented, the genocide against the Igbo was premeditated by ethnic warlords who feared that the Igbo would dominate the country in open and fair struggles for scarce resources and it was orchestrated by the British who sowed the fear of Igbo domination due to the fact that the Igbo led the struggle for the restoration of Independence in Nigeria as Shagari admitted in a 1945 poem urging the North to join the struggle to show Waka to Boko. The Igbo have since demonstrated that they are not interested in dominating anyone but only in pursuing their livelihood through their own efforts despite systematic efforts to deindustrialize their home region, quit notices from other regions, and their exclusion from top political positions. Unlike Danjuma and his fellow self-confessed genocidists, the Igbo are not looking for retaliation but they will welcome reparative justice any day as the Justice Oputa Panel on human rights violations recommended. Other Nigerians will not lose anything when the government finally admits that a great wrong was done to the Igbo and atonements are made.

Recently, Obasanjo was reported as surrendering in his efforts to conquer the Igbo when he allegedly admitted that the Igbo cannot be conquered because they are democratic and not constrained by feudal institutions in their tireless efforts to uplift themselves and their communities against all odds. Colonial anthropologists advised Obasanjo to subjugate the Igbo by imposing traditional leaders on them after the war to make them more submissive like people from other regions, a thing that the colonial authorities had attempted before being defeated by the Women's War of 1929, leaving the East with no House of Traditional Rulers unlike the North and the West.

Obasanjo got it wrong because the other sections of the country never had a single leader compared to the Igbo who supposedly have only individualism. There have always been majority and minority politicians in every region of Nigeria (Aminu Kano in the North West, Waziri in the North East; Tarka and Lar in the North Central; Akintola, Agbekoya, Fela, Soyinka, and Falae in the South West; Boro and Ita in the South South; and Chike Obi, SG Ikoku, CC Onoh, Arthur Nwankwo and even Ojukwu in the East) in line with democratic rights to freedom of association. 

The Igbo have consistently voted their conscience for presidential candidates from other regions even against Igbo candidates in the cases of Shagari, Obasanjo, Yaradua, Jonathan and Atiku (they also elected a Fulani man as the Mayor of Enugu and appointed a minority Eyo Ita as head of government business in Enugu while Chimaroke Nnamani included a Yoruba man in his cabinet from 1999-2007 in Enugu). 

Apart from the Plateau State support for Azikiwe in the second republic and the initial victory of Zik in the Western region, no other region can boast of a similar detribalized record in supporting presidential candidates and yet the Igbo are still suspected of being a threat to Nigeria (the appointment of Okonkwo Kano, Ojukwu's uncle, to the Northern Legislative Council, the alliances that Zik formed across the country, and the election of Igbo candidates to the Federal House of Representatives from Lagos - that attracted threats of drowning in the lagoon if the Igbo did not vote a certain way preferred by a traditional ruler - notwithstanding). 

It is the genocidist generals who have dominated the misrule of Nigeria who should apologize to Nigerians for scapegoating the Igbo while giving self-confessed terrorists oil blocks, hundreds of billions, and political appointments to placate them. The result is that when the rain falls, it will not fall on Igbo rooftops only. Danjuma has since lost control of his village after leading the genocide against the Igbo. 

The solution to the genocidist states that imperialism foisted across Africa is the dissolution of the colonial boundaries to make way for the United Republic of African States or the Peoples Republic of Africa for which the people have voted with their feet as they transgress the imaginary lines drawn at the Berlin conference in search of their livelihood. The neocolonial states in Africa beg to be restructured in Pan African directions to prevent any group of genocidal trigger-happy killers trained by imperialism to attempt another genocide in any part of Africa without being stopped by the people who will be busy rebuilding Africa in leaps and bounds. Do Not Agonize, Organize!

The Poverty of Sycophancy

By Biko Agozino

Say that Chime did not say! (Shikwanu la Chime ashivo!)

While reporting that the Vice President of Nigeria, Namadi Sambo, brought the generous campaign promise from President Jonathan that Turkish Airlines will now fly to Enugu from Ankara, Governor Chime of Enugu was quoted as making the following unfortunate sycophantic assertion that he should repudiate as a mis-speak or misquotation:


"Chime urged the president not to waste energy and resources campaigning in Enugu State, rather the president should channel the resources to other states where there is need for campaign.



“You can go to neighboring states but not Enugu, Enugu is hundred percent for Jonathan and PDP, we started this journey in 2011, we have been doing it and we will be ready to deliver PDP in the forthcoming 2015 Presidential election” he stated.



Anambra State Governor, Chief Willy Obiano, who also spoke at the occasion, assured President Jonathan that the All Progressive Grand Alliance and Anambra State would deliver him hundred percent in 2015.


Obiano noted that APGA adopted Jonathan even before the ruling People’s Democratic Party and further called for collective support from the people of the South East Zone to ensure absolute realization of Jonathan’s reelection bid."

What was Governor Chime thinking when he said that devoting campaign resources to win Enugu was a waste of energy? With the state as the second to last in Federal allocations, we should be making huge demands on any candidate for president. The Promise of Turkish Airlines is an indication that the candidate will not take Enugu seriously if he wins. It is politically immature to promise 100% of the votes of Enugu to any candidate in a democratic election unless there is a plan for wuluwulu.But it is up to the electorate to prove this hubris wrong when the time comes.

The Jonathan administration commissioned the construction of seven new multi-billion dollar hydro electric power plants with none in the South East (which gave the administration the largest proportion of votes in the previous elections without much to show for it). The administration also established nine new universities with only one in the South East (which incidentally leads the country in educational attainment). The administration is also reported to have promised a coal-fired power plant in Enugu without any of the environmental health evaluations that have forced industrialized countries to increasingly rethink coal as a safe source of energy. Chime could have asked for a wind farm to be sited along the hilltop across the state to enable us to harvest energy from the wind more sustainably and supplement with solar for homes in more remote villages. 

The South East states should support the presidential candidate who commits to the implementation of the National Confab recommendation for a sixth state in the region to make it equitable with all the other five regions with six states each. Enugu state should insist on being classified as an oil-producing state because the state has oil and gas deposits in commercial quantities especially in the Awgu Shale Formation that is identified as part of the Niger Delta Basin in the geological maps but the state receives no derivation revenue while that oil is probably being siphoned down the river under our feet where it probably flows like an underground river. Only a presidential candidate who commits to paying reparations for the Igbo genocide deserves to expect overwhelming support from the South East.

Similarly, instead of Governor Willy Obiano of Anambra state beating his chest to announce that APGA was the first to endorse President Jonathan for re-election even before the PDP adopted him, he should have been demanding that PDP should endorse APGA for the governorship of Imo State in return, at least because his party won that state but the sitting governor chose to decamp to the APC. Azikiwe did form alliances with other parties but his own party also always fought to win the national election too.Why are the governors of the South East shying away so brazenly? Perhaps because the minority parties are not living up to their tasks.

What? Are they thinking at all? Uwawa (No)!

Cargo Cult Arithmetic and Anambra Oil

By Biko Agozino

“The primary association in cargo cults is between the divine nature of "cargo" (manufactured goods) and the advanced, non-native behavior, clothing and equipment of the recipients of the "cargo". Since the modern manufacturing process is unknown to them, members, leaders, and prophets of the cults maintain that the manufactured goods of the non-native culture have been created by spiritual means, such as through their deities and ancestors, and are intended for the local indigenous people, but that the foreigners have unfairly gained control of these objects through malice or mistake. Thus, a characteristic feature of cargo cults is the belief that spiritual agents will, at some future time, give much valuable cargo and desirable manufactured products to the cult members.” ^{(Wikipedia, citing} Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches: The Riddles of Culture. New York: Random House, 1974, pg. 133-152)

In The Trouble With Nigeria, 1984, Chinua Achebe lambasted the leaders of developing countries who were always boasting that they were prepared to steal technology if those who possess the know-how refuse to transfer it to them. Achebe chided their cargo cult mentality and explained that technology is not like some material possession waiting to be stolen but a way of life and a worldview that can be learned through disciplined study. Rather than look for technology to steal, why not develop your own technology by funding research and development projects?

As oil and gas deposits are being discovered all over Nigeria and in some other parts of Africa, giving rise to claims and counter claims by communities who contest the ownership of the oil-rich land, we need to pause for some sober reflections. There is a gross overestimation of the potential income from oil and gas and as a result, there is an excessive expectation by even learned elites that oil wealth would be enough to banish poverty from the land whereas only a select few are likely to line their pockets from petrodollars. A Professor of Political Economy in Nigeria recently circulated this formula online to rather uncritically buttress the oil bounty hypothesis:

‘1. Crude Oil production/day - 2.5M barrels
2. Current Price = $113/barrel
3. Daily Sales = 2.5M x 113 = $282.5million
4. Monthly Sales = 282.5M x 30days = $8.475billion
5. Yearly Sales = $8.475billion x 12 = $101.7billion
6. Naira Equivalent = 101.7billion x #160 = 16.272trillion Naira per year.
7. Nigeria's budget for 2012 = 4.5trillion Naira.

Even if you take 90% of 16.272trillion naira as the Fed Govt's Share of the barrel, which comes to14.645 trillion naira we still expect over 10 trillion surplus!!! Now, the question is: Where is the surplus going?! -(Analysis by Femi Falana (Senior Advocate of Nigeria/Activist, on Channels Tv).’

I agree with some of the the cargo cult logic in Falana's arithmetic above: Even 10% of the profits from oil since 1960 should be enough to Chinarize Nigeria or out-Cuba Cuba and beat Japan, Singapore or Finland (all with less natural resources than Nigeria) in the improvement to our Human Development Index. However, the danger in overestimating the potential income from oil and gas is that other sectors of the economy end up being neglected even though they contribute more to the economy than oil and gas.

It is cargo cult arithmetic to simply multiply the oil barrels per day by current market price and project to national revenue. In my opinion, such calculations falsely raise the sense of relative and absolute deprivation among the people and potentially heat up communal violence in the struggle over scarce resources.

I recommend that readers should consult the chapter, ‘Revenue Allocation and the National Question’, by Professor Eskor Toyo in the book edited by Abubakar Momoh and Said Adejumobi, The National Question in Nigeria, which I published in the series that I edit for Ashgate Publishers.

According to Professor Toyo, the contribution of oil to the national revenue is less than 50% with the rest coming from taxes (paye taxes and sales taxes mostly) and other sources of revenue from sectors like agriculture, customs and excise, and culture. Surprised? Well do not be surprised. The explanation is that the Nigerian state, like most oil-producing states, is not an oil-producer but a rentier state that collects rents or royalties from the oil companies. The National Bureau of Statistics confirms this by reporting that the contribution of oil and gas to the GDP in the second quarter of 2012 is less than 14% while the contribution from agriculture is 40% http://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/

This is why oil which contributes over 70% of internal revenues from taxes also contributes a small part of the GDP and the GNP compared to agriculture which employs 70% of the working population: An oil company receives the license to explore for oil in a field; the company invests billions of dollars and sometimes strikes it lucky or fails; when it fails it bears the loss, perhaps written off as tax deductions; when it succeeds, it pays royalties of 10% to the government on the profits (after deducting operating costs, research and development, etc.).

Surprisingly, 10% is considered a generous royalty considering that authors get 8% or less from book publishers as royalties (I think that they are so miserly that they should be called peasantries), with questions emanating about the accurate declaration of sales figures, wastage, theft, subsidy scams and fraud. The recent dispute in Ecuador over agreements with gas companies exposed the exploitative arrangements internationally. The new left-wing government insisted on getting more than 10% in royalties and the gas companies refused. 

 

Anambra State Government under Peter Obi should be commended for having the foresight to form an oil company (perhaps the only state government with such an investment in Nigeria, nothing stops the other states from doing the same) to refine the oil from the area and thereby maximize the benefits to the state but the people should still be made aware that the expectation, even without corruption and the likely harm to the environment through oil spills, will not come close to the expected revenue and benefits from agriculture. Yet Anambra state continues to neglect the agricultural sector like the rest of Nigeria.

Peter Obi has invested billions of naira to develop Orient Oil Company for Anambra State, building on the foundation laid by his predecessors, starting with Mbadinuju. The question the people of Anambra should be asking is how many billions has Peter Obi invested in agriculture which employs approximately 70% of the people and provides food and wellness beyond anything that the oil industry could aspire to?

The answer is provided in the Anambra State contribution to Vision 2020 in which Governor Obi reports that Agriculture receives less than 1% in capital expenditures of the state compared to 77% for transportation while recurrent expenditure for agriculture is less than 2% compared to 37% for education (I commend this prioritization of education, if only the federal government would fund education as generously at the national level). The report proposed to increase livestock and fruit trees in the state but did not specify how.

Rather than invest heavily in agriculture to modernize it and maximize its contribution to the economy, environment and society, Kogi State and Enugu state communities are already lining up cargo cults to contest ownership of the Anambra oil deposits with an eye on the potential royalties. Yes, there is oil in Enugu state too, especially in Awgu Shale, according to the geological map of Nigeria. Kogi State probably has oil too as oil is being discovered all over the country. All I am saying is that the states with oil should be forewarned not to neglect the golden goose that laid the golden eggs - agriculture. As Nigerians will say, na oil we go chop?

If these states prioritize agriculture they would reduce unemployment much more than is possible through oil and gas and they will create massive wealth for the people and potentially reduce the threat of kidnapping and violent crime. Orient Oil is only a refinery and so it does not really matter where the oil comes from given that Kaduna with no oil had a huge refinery located there by military regimes that strategically refused to cite any such factories in Eastern Nigeria probably out of grudge over the Nigeria-Biafra war.

Peter Obi appears to have tapped into the can-do attitude of the Igbo by actualizing the dream of making Anambra an oil-producing state in spite of the federal government intentions. My warning is that the cargo cultists around an oil refinery should be reminded that oil is a finite resource (as the sunflower logo of Orient Oil symbolizes) and that existing oil refineries in Nigeria are sitting dormant in disrepair whereas agriculture is a renewable resource, a gift that will go on giving forever.

I conclude with my tireless call for the revenue allocation formula to be changed constitutionally to guarantee that 10% of the annual budgets at the federal, state and local governments will be allocated directly to Nigerians to invest as they see fit, similar to the farm subsidies and business or research grants that all industrialized countries disburse constantly to their privileged citizens. In ten years, we will count the miles after the race.

As E.F. Schumacher put it in his classic, Small Is Beautiful: ‘…in agriculture and horticulture, we can interest ourselves in the perfection of production methods which are biologically sound, build up soil fertility, and produce health, beauty and permanence. Productivity will then look after itself.’ He goes on to demonstrate that if we plant one tree for every citizen of Nigeria every year, within 10 years we will have billions of new trees in Nigeria that could help to check erosion and desertification, provide food and beauty and create wealth without requiring a lot of work since the trees will generally look after themselves and also look after us as our best friends.

Governor Kayode Fayemi got the memo and I am impressed to hear that he just distributed half a billion naira to 140 unemployed youth who were retrained and funded to start their own farms in Ekiti state. Governor Peter Obi did get the memo too and distributed 100 million naira to unemployed youth to start their own businesses in Anambra. Comrade President Yaradua surely got the memo when he allocated 200 billion naira to be distributed to unemployed youth for start-ups before he died (and I agree with Baba Soyinka that his death should be investigated thoroughly).

Obasanjo and Okonjo-Iweala snatched the idea up when I first aired it in 2006 and proposed 50 billion naira grants just for cassava farmers and reserved 30% for women but I advised that it is not just for one crop and that women should get 50% of the funds. In reviewing my proposals for poverty eradication in his column in The Guardian, the socialist mathematician, Dr. Edwin Madunagu, agreed with some reservations and suggested that 10% of the budget is too small for this purpose. He may be right, my proposal said that it should be at least 10%.

I commend these tentative steps and urge policy makers not to make them a one off but an annual commitment and not to regard them as loans but treat them as grants. If this is done consistently at the federal, state and local government levels, we will no longer be trying to calculate the square root of minus one or zero with cargo cult mentalities. Obviously, we cannot do this systematically without democratically contesting for power on a progressive platform at the global, continental, regional, national, state and local levels and thereby use our abundant resources to empower the tremendous talents of our people.

Biko Agozino is a Professor of Sociology and Africana Studies, Virginia Tech.