Criminal Resistance? A Review Essay

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Oriola, Temitope B. (2013) Criminal Resistance? The Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers, Aldershot, Ashgate, pp 243. HB. 

Reviewed by Biko Agozino

As the Series Editor of the Ashgate Publishers Interdisciplinary Research Series in Ethnic, Gender and Class Relations in which Dr. Temitope Oriola’s book was published, I was pleased and honored to be invited to review this original contribution to knowledge during the public presentation of the book at Alberta University, Canada where the doctoral research that led to the book was done and where the award-winning author was soon lured back, as an Assistant Professor, from a major US university.

As the Series Editor who recommended the innovative manuscript for publication, I was tempted to decline the invitation to be a reviewer of the book but I relish the challenge to replace my editor’s cap with that of the critic and reflect on the book in a way that a Series Editor’s preface may not have permitted. For full disclosure, I must also confess that the author, Dr. Oriola, caught my attention in 2005 as a graduate student when he hailed my book, Counter-Colonial Criminology: A Critique of Imperialist Reason, as laying the foundation for what he called a ‘Post-Colonial Criminology’ in a review essay that I published in the African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies that I served as the founding editor for the African Criminology and Justice Association. It is clear that his own new book is a major contribution to that paradigm of post-colonial criminology.

Following the guidelines for book reviews provided by one of my undergraduate mentors at the University of Calabar, Professor Inya Eteng, who passed away recently at the University of Port Harcourt in the Niger Delta terrain of Oriola’s book, I will proceed by critically reviewing the empirical tenability of the book’s claims, the internal consistency or theoretical adequacy of the book, and the policy efficacy of the implications of the conclusions and inferences. I will leave out a summary of the contents because the author himself has provided one in chapter 8 and because I do not wish to spoil the fun for those of you yet to read the book.

The empirical tenability of the claims in the book is without doubt and the attention to the triangulation of data sources, or what the author called ‘methodological eclecticism’, in the book is very commendable. The reflexivity of the author in terms of the potential to be perceived as an outsider because of his Yoruba ethnic identity is equally noteworthy as a key for understanding the violent ethnic chauvinism that tends to cripple intellectual excellence and everything else in its wake. Scholarship should be judged on its merit and not on the basis of the pigeon hole into which the author’s tongue could be classified but not in Nigeria where who you know is often more important than what you know. The risks he took to be added to the mailing list of militants, to interview army generals and observe focus group discussions of villagers in the creeks of the Niger Delta where he was ‘jokingly’ threatened with kidnapping by a key informant, and the attention that he paid to the history of gendered and class-specific ethnic violence in Nigeria makes his book required reading by all who are interested in resolving the violent crises that plague African societies today.

In this connection, the claim in the book that over 80% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings come from the ‘monocultural’ oil industry of the Niger Delta may need to be contextualized: The eminent Marxist economist and another mentor of mine at the University of Calabar, Professor Eskor Toyo, in his chapter,  ‘Revenue Allocation and the National Question’, in the book edited by Abubakar Momoh and Said Adejumobi on The National Question in Nigeria that I published in the same Ashgate Series as Oriola’s book, estimated the contribution of oil and gas to Nigeria’s GDP to be less than 50%. This appears to be supported by annual data published by the National Bureau of Statistics which reported that the contribution of oil and gas to the GDP in the second quarter of 2012 was less than 14% while the contribution from agriculture was 40% http://www.nigerianstat.gov.ng/. The estimate by Toyo only appears counter-intuitive because Nigerians tend to extrapolate from the estimate that hundreds of millions of barrels are produced in the country per day, then multiply them with the price of oil and deduce what they assume to be the contribution of oil to the national income but without taking into consideration that Nigeria probably only receives 10% royalties from whatever the oil companies declare as their profits after production and exploration expenses. In any case, oil and gas being finite resources should not be the exclusive motive for any social movement organization to kidnap workers, bomb and kill citizens and sabotage the environment without turning such an organization into a reactionary anti-social movement organization.

The empirical tenability of the claims in the book could be challenged on the ground that the author left out some of the important details but in fairness to the author, no book ever covers everything and so the author should be commended for narrowing down his topic to a manageable scale under the able supervision of his dissertation advisers. Yet, the empirical tenability of the claims in the book could have been greatly enhanced through a more historical-materialist epistemological approach or through a post-structuralist discourse analysis with more coverage of the narratives of trade unionists and kidnapped workers whose voices appear drowned out by those of militants, villagers and soldiers in the book.

I flag up the relative erasure of the narratives of workers in the book as a loophole that could be filled by future researchers or during the anticipated follow-up by the author towards advancing, revising or challenging some of the arguments and conclusions in Criminal Resistance? The Kidnapping of Oil Workers. I also suspect that the relative neglect of the workers’ perspective may have resulted from the choice of theoretical frameworks that are eclectic while privileging the symbolic interactionist perspectives of Ervin Goffman and the interpretive perspective of Max Weber rather uncritically unlike the reluctant application of the historical materialist theory of social banditry, according to the Africa-born Eric Hobsbawm, that eventually formed the explanations for kidnapping found in chapter seven. The author initially questioned its relevance in chapter two because of criticism that Hobsbawm restricted the concept to rural bandits even while predicting that social bandits would become more common in Africa whereas Oriola found that the Niger Delta insurgents operated in both rural and urban locations.

Oriola’s theoretical originality lies in the application of the theories of dramaturgy and frame-making that were developed in micro or messo sociological studies of radically individualist Euro-American societies to a macro sociology of power struggles with local and global implications in African societies that the author described as still ‘very much communalistic’. The book is internally consistent to the extent that the author sticks with the chosen frameworks even after briefly considering competing perspectives. The difficulty with the chosen analytical frameworks, in my opinion, is that a less skillful writer could have ended up with ahistorical and disjointed analysis given that frame-making tends to focus on a bird’s eye-view of one frame at a time and dramaturgy implies the beginning, climax and end of conflict whereas the historically specific nature of politically-motivated violence in Africa requires deeper social structural and more systemic analysis.

The question that arises for all African researchers is this; how suitable are theoretical perspectives developed for advanced capitalist societies in the West for the study of more communalistic societies in Africa? Oriola answered this question by borrowing metaphorical terms from his rich Yoruba vocabulary to explain the intricate Althusserian ‘interpellation’ of space and social process in the Niger Delta with implications for all and sundry. Perhaps the author should have considered the theory of African Fractals which has been found by Ron Eglash (African Fractals: Indigenous Design and Modern Computer Engineering), Abdul Bangura (Fractal Complexity in thoughts of African Writers), Horace Campbell (on the 2008 organization of Barack Obama’s presidential campaign) and as illustrated in my conclusion to Counter-Colonial Criminology - a common framework employed by Africans from different cultural backgrounds to emphasize the interconnectedness of society, culture and nature in contrast to the lineal analysis of much of Cartesian European frameworks or paradigms.

Given the nature of the subject matter, I believe that a historical materialist approach synthesized with the African Fractals-influenced perspective of deconstruction (see Derrida, Specters Of Marx) and chaos theory (as Hal Pepinsky attempted but without reference to the African roots in the Geometry of Violence and Democracy) could have complicated the analysis and raised more challenging implications of the study as Stephen Pfohl recommended (Images of Deviance and Social Control) than through the liberalist and apparently pluralist perspectives chosen for the analysis of what is obviously a systemic and post-structural violence.

Thirdly, how efficacious, policy-wise, can the conclusions and implications of the book be said to be? This is a question that haunts the reader right from the preface by Professor Patrick Bond where it was almost gleefully stated that the book proves that the ‘romanticization of non-violence’ by African scholars was debunked by the book. The author repeats this theoretical claim without endorsing it in the book and reports the belief of the insurgents that non-violence failed and so, presumably, violent armed struggles were more successful. I invite readers to engage the ex-insurgents in debates on this conclusion that the author stated alongside the views that contested the presumed efficacy of violence because violence deserves more explicit critique given the high frequency of futile violence in Nigeria:

First, the claim by ex-insurgents that non-violence has failed and by implication only violence led to their success appears spurious given that the history of Africa is enveloped in permanent violence since the intrusion of Arabs and Europeans starting with Trans Saharan and then Trans Atlantic slavery and continuing in the post-colonial situation under the domination of imperialism as Oriola himself pointed out and as Toyin Falola detailed in Colonialism and Violence in Nigeria. If violence is a successful strategy, then Nigeria would have since joined the ranks of developed democracies given its recent history of a genocidal war in which an estimated three million people were killed presumably to guarantee access to the oil of the Niger Delta for members of the ruling class and yet another mentor of mine from the University of Calabar, Professor Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe (Biafra Revisited) never tires of reminding us that the Igbo genocide is the foundation of the genocidal state in post-colonial Africa. Similarly, the genocidal states in Sudan, Rwanda, Somalia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, and Congo have all failed to record significant success despite the abundance of violence and despotism. The failure of insurgent violence and violent military repression cannot be overemphasized but all Nigerians need to extend their concern to the poor throughout Nigeria who appear to be deliberately deprived of the benefits of modern education, healthcare and jobs in the midst of plenty of national resources.

Secondly, it is dubious to cite Fanon as an evangelist of violence because Fanon used his psychiatric skills to explain why people resort to violence under violent domination but not why they should do so. On the contrary, Fanon repeatedly pointed out the violent pitfalls of national consciousness by people who may fall upon each other and continue to kill even after the foreigner has been forced to withdraw as he predicted in Ivory Coast which lived up to the prediction with the fanatical blood-thirsty ideology of Ivorite or the search for who is more purely Ivorian than others. Fanon saw violence more accurately as a sign of mental disorder displayed by the torture victim who runs down the street screaming that he was going to kill a settler with a kitchen knife only to be gunned down, on the one hand, and equally by the torturer who goes home after work to torture his wife and kids, on the other. What he offered was an explanation of violence and not a prescription of violence and he concluded by inviting us to find a different path that avoids the abomination of humanity everywhere by Europeans who were nevertheless tirelessly theorizing about humanity. Had the insurgents adopted the African philosophy of non-violence they would not have resorted to the superstitious dehumanization of younger women who were expelled from their camps whenever they had their periods with the belief that such crude sexism was necessary to avoid polluting the 'warriors' who nevertheless welcomed post-menopausal women to come and 'fortify' them spiritually for victory.

Ali Mazrui may have inadvertently validated the Eurocentric wanton adoration of militarism only four years after the genocidal war in Biafra by positing that Africa was reviving a glorious ‘Warrior tradition’. He completely neglected the much more vibrant tradition of non-violence and participatory democracy that relatively survived European conquest and distortion even among the African Diaspora where Martin Luther King Jr. led a successful non-violent revolution while the Rasta philosophy of Peace and Love remains lively. Not surprisingly, Oriola found vocal condemnation of violence and kidnapping even by a major insurgent commander who complained that the tactic of kidnapping had been hijacked by purely criminal elements and rejected especially by communities that did not have a ‘benevolent insurgent commander’ who could rationalize such violence by providing infrastructures and patronage in the vacuum created by those that Fanon called the unproductive phantom Bourgeoisie of post-colonial Africa.

Contrary to the claim in the book that scholars are relatively silent on the efficacy of violent modes of struggle, left-wing scholars tend to romanticize violence to the extent of misreading Karl Marx as advocating only a bloody revolution without realizing that The Manifesto of the Communist Party was not a call for the establishment of an army and that Friedrich Engels stated in the preface to Capital that Marx saw England as having the possibilities for a non-violent revolution. Subsequently, the Bolshevik party of Lenin was called the Social Democratic Party and his answer to the question of What Is To Be Done was the establishment of a newspaper for the organization of the masses. Gramsci capped the much misrepresented Marxist tradition with the observation that even the ruling class cannot afford to dominate by force alone or even mainly by force but more commonly through coerced consent or hegemony – the very exact strategy through which the working class wins the support of other oppressed classes, not by force or mainly by force but through intellectual and moral leadership - hegemony. Amilcar Cabral applied this in his national liberation war by emphasizing the need to understand that culture and even theory is a weapon in the struggle, not just militarism. Joe Slovo also defended the strategy of the national democratic revolution in South Africa against enthusiasts of militarism (who preferred to chant one settler, one bullet) just as Lenin defended the strategies of social democracy and dismissed the militarists as people suffering from the infantile disorder of left-wing communism. Mao Tsetung suggested that the contradiction between violence and non-violence is a false contradiction because the response depends on the nature of the challenge posed. Malcolm X also stated that any means necessary was appropriate in the struggle for freedom but Malcolm used the means of intellectual and moral leadership himself, he never kidnapped or killed workers for ransom.

Finally, to answer the rhetorical question that Oriola posed with his very own title: Criminal Resistance? The Kidnapping of Oil Workers; the unambiguous answer is affirmatively yes; it is criminal to kidnap and kill workers and this cannot be justified with the claims to ‘resistance.’ It is completely reactionary violence to bomb citizens who were gathered to celebrate the independence day of their country and claim that the militants were doing so ‘with due respect’ because, in their view, there was nothing to celebrate. It is indeed criminal to bomb an oil refinery and kill or wound dozens of workers as one militant organization did while this review was being written at the end of October 2013. At last MEND apologized for bombing oil pipelines and thereby spilling oil to pollute the environment that they pretend to be seeking to protect with questionable ‘resistance’ strategies that are simply geared towards what Oriola dismissed as ‘crass opportunism’ designed to extort ransom payments from the state and from oil companies for the benefit of a few ethnic warlords who would not hesitate to collude with the state to eliminate scores of their own supporters who question their leadership style as some members of the community complained to Oriola during his courageous fieldwork.

Rather than be seduced by violence, readers of the book should also read Chinua Achebe (There Was a Country) who condemned the hostage-taking of Italian oil firm workers as a tactical blunder by Biafran troops that cost them a lot of goodwill internationally. He called on all Africans to revive the greatest contribution of Africans to political strategy and philosophy – the discourse of Ubuntu or Mbari which Mahatma Gandhi claimed that he learned as non-violence from the war-like Zulu in South Africa. Martin Luther King Jr. echoed these thoughts in 1967 at the outbreak of the Biafra war which coincided with the climax of the Civil Rights Movement in America, the Vietnam War and the anti-apartheid movement, in three speeches on the theme of a 'World House' that was inherited by distant relatives of different races, religions and classes who must learn to love peace and end violence before violence puts an end to them (Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community?) 

What the militants in the Niger Delta want more than anything else is a fair distribution of the revenues from oil and the protection of the environment but if these can be guaranteed by the Nigerian government and by the oil companies, there will be no question about the criminality of the kidnapping of workers for ransom, the killing of citizens with explosives or the damage of the environment in the name of resistance. The late President Umaru Yaradua heeded this kind of logic by abandoning the militarist strategy of his predecessor, General Olusegun Obasanjo whose security forces committed massacres in Odi in the Niger Delta and in Zaki Ibiam in Benue State, and instead initiated the 50 billion Naira amnesty program for the rehabilitation of the ex-insurgents who gave up their arms. Such a program of reparative justice should be extended to the survivors of the mass violence by the state and insurgents alike by allocating generous resources as a fund for reparations for the continued killing by militants, terrorists, cultists and by the state all over the country.

This can be partly achieved by setting aside at least 10% of the budget annually to be awarded to the citizens as grants for them to invest as they see fit while using the rest to develop basic infrastructures in the country rather than embezzle the bulk selfishly and use token sums to settle insurgent commanders. Nigerians should also look beyond their own ethnic interests and collectively demand that the Nigerian state should atone for the Igbo genocide that evidently brutalized the consciousness of the nation so much that the slaughter of students in their dormitories, the killing of worshippers or the kidnapping of babies and workers for ransom could be seen as legitimate by some selfish or deluded groups and individuals.

The South American countries that followed the path of guerrilla warfare for decades have since transitioned power to the former rebels through the ballot while the violent method has achieved nothing in the Niger Delta except to force the release of one corrupt politician from detention or win the release of one insurgent commander from jail. Given the hundreds of billions that are annually allocated to the Niger Delta states by the Nigerian federation, the militants could democratically win control over such budgets and use them to transform their localities rather than encourage the kidnapping and killing of workers in Nigeria, including foreign employees of oil companies that they xenophobically call ATM but rarely kill unlike their Nigerian counterparts that tend to be wasted by their predatory abductors. The fact that they describe kidnapped workers as ‘enemy combatants’ is an indication of how much they mimic the ideologies of the war on terror by the international community.

In the light of the recognition of the exceptional tolerance that Wole Soyinka (Of Africa) identified as characteristically African, the Niger Delta ex-insurgents should renounce their past violent strategies against workers, go beyond their narrow focus on the Niger Delta and utter neglect of the suffering of other Nigerians in other parts of the country and other Africans with whom we should unite to build a more viable Peoples Republic of Africa, and desist from their inexcusable destruction of the environment as ‘collateral damage’ in the greed for ransom from oil companies and from the state just to enable a certain  ‘Mr. Government’ to offer them patronage which he is capable of continuing to dish out anyway from the profits of the pipeline security contracts that were awarded to him as part of the amnesty agreement. They too should consider the non-violent strategy of Ken Saro-Wiwa Jr. and the Ogoni who successfully sued a major oil company in the US and won some damages but without taking workers hostage, bombing them or spilling oil through the inexcusable and irresponsible damaging of pipelines for profit. Kidnapping workers and killing some to extort ransoms is bad enough but to target the members of one of the most radical trade unions in Nigeria, National Union of Petroleum Energy and Gas employees, who paid huge prices for their opposition to military rule when most of the so-called militants were nowhere to be found, deserves to be condemned by scholar activists for the neo-fascist opportunism that it represents.

This book, in short, demonstrates that there is no heroic exploit in exploitation – a term that is used interchangeably to refer to the extraction of natural resources and to the exploitation of workers in the English language. Oriola carefully avoids using the term, resource exploitation, preferring to talk about extraction while the villagers and ex-insurgents were more likely to call the spade of exploitation the spade of exploitation. The Canadian First Nation people, the Innu, also have a story that Joseph Campbell included in his classic, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, about the raven who tricked the native people and made them run away so that he could have the carcass of a whale cow all to himself. That was not heroic because the greedy raven could never consume all that meat by himself and would more likely watch the meat rot and waste to damage the environment or stuff himself into the chronic illnesses associated with affluenza or excessive consumption.

The lesson of Criminal Resistance is that criminologists should not focus exclusively on street crimes when the macro analysis of political criminality could make more original contributions to knowledge. The ‘denouement’ that Ken Saro Wiwa warned against at his conviction and subsequent execution for the murders of Ogoni chiefs that he did not commit is also a self-fulfilling prophecy of the brutalization effect of capital punishment which tends to escalate violence than deter it wherever it is applied and therefore the death penalty should be abolished. In spite of a damning report by Amnesty International in October 2013 to mark the international day for the abolition of capital punishment, Nigeria under a president from the Niger Delta, Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, is pursuing the resumption of capital punishment instead of joining the enlightened world to abolish the barbaric punishment that contributes to the normalization of violence in Nigeria.

Dr. Agozino is a Professor of Sociology and Africana Studies, Virginia Tech. Agozino@vt.edu

Trayvon Martin: Articulation or Intersectionality in Control-Freak Societies?

By Dr. Biko Agozino

Professor of Sociology and Director of Africana Studies, Virginia Tech

‘When I heard about the Trayvon Martin case, I thought that the real killer is the media that criminalizes black youth, black men and black people…. No one talks about the media spreading the poison that black people are dangerous to the extent that we do not see people as people but as trouble. Incarceration of the killer is not the solution if we fail to reeducate our people to recognize our common humanity.’ – Mumia Abu-Jamal, Plenary conversation with Angela Davis at the Manning Marable Memorial Conference, St John’s Cathedral, Columbia University, April 2012.

We live in authoritarian societies that are best described as control-freak societies. The control-freak ideology goes beyond the claim to a monopoly of force and violence by the state to include the authoritarianism of ordinary citizens who often internalize what Jacques Derrida (who observed that the word for justice and violence, Gewalt, is the same in German language) called ‘the force of the law’ and take it upon themselves to ‘enforce’ justice with emphasis on a final solution over not only total strangers but also over otherwise beloved family, friends and colleagues. As Mumia implied above, the control-freaks include scholars and journalists who spread the gospel of zero tolerance in otherwise democratic societies where tolerance should be taught more.

The control-freak state cheer-leads the lethal authoritarianism of private individuals and security corporations as ‘natural right’ by reinforcing ancient laws of self-defense that gave people the right to kill others in defense of their private property as if property is more valuable than human life or as if life is only another form of property in a ‘commercial society’: now only a vague ‘feeling’ of being threatened after ‘a series of burglaries’ in a gated community is enough to encourage a vigilante to follow an innocent youth on his way to his father’s residence and gun him down self-righteously. The police appeared to encourage this type of outrage by initially refusing to even arrest and charge the confessed murderer (not killer as the media would have it, he was finally charged with second-degree murder, not with killing) obviously because the life lost was that of a black male homo sacer, a disposable human being, as Zygmunt Bauman put it in Modernity and the Holocaust.

Most commentators on the case of Trayvon Benjamin Martin saw it as a case of the all too familiar fruit (no longer a ‘strange fruit’ with so frequent a recurrence) from the tree of racial profiling but it is much more than racial in character. Stuart Hall will always remind us to look beyond racism in situations like this and understand that it is the result of the articulation on race-class-gender relations in societies structured in dominance. In the US, the preferred theory is that of Kimberley Crenshaw on race-class-gender intersectionality.

The two theories are similar but not identical given that, according to Crenshaw, the intersections of streets or the intersections of circles could be used as metaphors with which to capture race-class-gender intersectionality while Hall prefers to use the analogy of the articulated train or lorry in conjunction with the linguistic concept of giving expression to underscore the fact that the exploitation of cheap black labor in South Africa, for instance, was not simply racist, sexist or classist but an articulation, dis-articulation and re-articulation of all three simultaneously as relations that are never separate, though different.

The analogy of streets or circles intersectionality fails this test of simultaneity because of the assumption that Trayvon Martin may have been walking on the ‘gender’ street (or circle) safely until he came to the point where that street or circle intersected with the ‘race’ and ‘class’ streets or circles whereas the theory of articulation assumes that there is no inch of the street or circle that is not always already racialized, gendered and class-specific; emptiness lies outside the intersectionality. In other words, race-class-gender ‘overlapping’ is closer to the reality of race-class-gender articulation than the mechanical metaphor of the intersection would have us believe.

When George Zimmerman confessed to the murder of Trayvon Martin, he did not go to one police precinct to enjoy the privileges of his masculinity, then to another to celebrate his Hispanic whiteness, before going to a third to perform his respectable middle class-ness in ways that would not hold if it was the truck driver father of Martin that had shot the son of Zimmerman the ex-judge even after the police dispatcher warned him to ‘stand his ground’ and desist from following the youngster. At the very least, a black man who murders an innocent white teenager will be arrested on the spot and asked to save his self-defense excuses for the jury. Respectable white male privilege and an enabling legal environment that devalues poor-black-male lives added insult to this injury. Similarly, when Trayvon was unjustly profiled, his blackness was not seen as threatening on one street before his maleness became an issue on another street and before his walking-rather-than-driving poverty status became an issue on yet another street or at the intersection of all three.

The point here is that authoritarianism is very popular in control-freak societies as is evident in the fact that after a few weeks of appealing for funds online, the confessed murderer raised over $200,000 for his defense and for his ‘personal expenses’ while an online gun shop that offered a shooting target in the image of Trayvon Martin said that the image sold out within two days despite some public outrage. It is this popularity of authoritarianism that encourages families to send their youth to go and kill and be killed in foreign lands just because those in authority asked them to do so and the escalation in street violence frequently correlates with periods of foreign wars and invasions. For instance, the involvement of Norway in the invasion and bombing of the Trayvon Martins in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya probably incited the white-supremacist into massacring 77 people in Oslo and just like Zimmerman, he claimed self-defense for the atrocity. 

This very same bloody control-freak populism encourages parents to brutalize their own children in the name of discipline even when the authoritarian state would hesitate in the cases of babies too young to know any better. Friends and neighbors, lovers, brothers and sisters, employees and employers, students and teachers all buy into this control-freak ideology that is alien to the African philosophy of non-violence which we need to rehabilitate as part of the solution rather than leave it to remain battered and bruised, accursed and ridiculed by imperialist reason.

Angela Davis followed the above epigraphic teaching from Mumia Abu-Jamal during the constantly interrupted 15 minute collect-phone call from a control-freak prison with a highlight of the lesson we can all learn from the South Africa Truth and Reconciliation Commission: A widow was asked by Desmond Tutu if she would ever forgive the police officer who murdered her husband and she responded that she would only forgive him if he will do three things: identify the ground where the corpse was burnt so that she could gather it and bury her husband; accept to become her son; and come and visit her family regularly to understand that the person he killed was a valued human being. On hearing this, the killer collapsed and fainted. Angela concluded by advising against the atomization of Trayvon Martin.

What Mumia and Angela suggest above is that the African philosophy of non-violence which Mahatma Gandhi claimed that he learned from the Zulu during his sojourn in South Africa and which Martin Luther King Junior suggested that he learned from Gandhi, a philosophy that was an essential part of the successful resistance against slavery, colonialism, sexism, class exploitation, and apartheid by people of African descent and their allies and by all those other colored people who adopted this philosophy, should be an essential part of the solution that we seek.

In other words, the injustice done here goes beyond the murdered youth to encompass the murderer who sleeps no more because he has murdered sleep. Racism-sexism-classism as the articulation of injustice is a multiple-edged sword that cuts the aggressor as well as the aggrieved but to different extents. This is probably why a carefully staged apology was volunteered by George Zimmerman to the parents of Trayvon Martin prematurely at the bail bond hearing – a clear indication that he had realized that he ruined his own life too due to the hate and fear that he was raised with when he could have been safer with love in his heart for all. His intolerance is widely condemned by people of all races, classes and genders.

When the Nazis were driven into a genocidal hatred by the control-freak state, little did they know that for each Jew who was killed, at least three Germans would pay with their lives. When the Hutu tried the final solution on their Tutsi brothers and sisters, little did they know that the media broadcasts urging them to kill all the ‘cockroaches’, including the young ones, would result in the Hutus themselves being dehumanized as well and Rwanda has responded mainly with reconciliation and healing rather than the obsession with revenge and Beccarian fantasy of making the punishment fit the crime given that no punishment would ever fit the crime. Responding to the atrocity in Norway, Nils Christie wrote that we should learn to love all and seek to punish less because punitive-mindedness escalates hate and vengeance without being able to heal the original wounds.

In conclusion, while we all must continue to organize for social justice, we should recognize the humanity of the aggressor rather than profile him as a monster. As Mumia suggested in a tone reminiscent of Martin Luther King Jr., we should direct our agitation more at the institutions that normalize the oppression of our people and insist on the transformation of such institutions through the non-violent means of mass protests and ballot measures. We can also challenge the gun lobby with the jurisprudence of big tobacco: when you make a defective product that kills thousands of people annually, the manufacturers and the gun-lobby should be made to pay some reparations to the bereaved.

Since (black) people are increasingly afraid to walk along their own streets, close-circuit television cameras should be installed on streets in neighborhoods that vote to have them and the images should be accessible through a public television channel where we can all see that it is dubious that a dead child banged the head of the aggressor against the sidewalk before being executed in cold blood (CCTV could show that his alleged wounds were self-inflicted after the killing).

Finally, the drug laws that amplify the fear of young black males should be abolished immediately while we use education to get our young people to say no to drugs and use the healthcare system to minimize harm so that no one is going to shoot another poor Black or Hispanic male youth on the pretext that he looked as if he was on drugs and the control-freak justice system would not be allowed to over-incarcerate poor young men on the suspicion that they possessed small quantities of drugs and thereby expel them from school, deny them job opportunities, exclude them from public housing and deny them the right to vote even after serving their sentences  as Michelle Alexander documented in The New Jim Crow.

President Barack Obama has shown courage in coming out in an election season by ending the war in Iraq and by supporting same-sex marriage for citizens who prefer that; it is about time he came out for ending the war on drugs that has escalated the violence on our streets and homes while contaminating otherwise law-abiding youth by sending them to prison where they are likely to be recruited by violent drug gangs. If Trayvon Martin was not suspended from school for alleged marihuana residues found in his school bag, perhaps he would be at home in his mother’s black community of Miami Gardens rather than be found in the red-neck garrison community of his father’s girlfriend in Sanford where he may have been sent by his mother on the mistaken assumption that it might be safer than the black neighborhood. The police autopsy report revealed that he had THC in his blood and urine but we are not told what substances George Zimmerman had in his system to make him so paranoid about a harmless youth on that fateful day.

Let us force the politicians to decriminalize drugs and control guns by sustaining the mass protest that Trayvon Martin’s murder and attempted impunity eventually inspired. Let us take the Occupy Movement beyond Wall Street and Occupy the Prison Industrial Complex with marches, pickets and teach-ins until funding is made available to teach love and tolerance in all schools and until the political prisoners are freed along with the drugs war prisoners. President Obama took a step in this direction by reducing the crack-powder cocaine disparity from 100:1 to 10:1; we need to make him see the logic of his South American colleagues who are calling for an end to the war on drugs that has resulted in the death of 50,000 Mexicans in the few years that they had a drug-war lord for president while implicating US officials in the scandalous shooting of two pregnant women and two men on a boat that was wrongly suspected of transporting drugs in Honduras recently. Only the increased democratization of the entire world via decolonization from imperialist reason in accordance with what Ron Eglash called African Fractals - the fact of the interconnectedness of humanity - would result in more peace and love as Hal Pepinsky argued in The Geometry of Violence and Democracy and as I did in Counter-Colonial Criminology: A Critique of Imperialist Reason.

Dr Agozino is the Chair of the Social Policy Committee of the Association of Black Sociologists.

VIOLENCE AND LITERACY

By Biko Agozino

The political violence and geopolitical dichotomy that emerged with the results of the recent general elections in Nigeria compel me to recommend a program in scholar activism similar to the one led by Comrades Eskor Toyo and Bassey Ekpo Bassey in the late 1980s. The program was called the Directorate For Literacy and I was one of those involved in the organization of weekly literacy classes for workers and monthly public enlightenment lectures in Calabar municipality in addition to the National Literacy Conference with delegates from all over the country. We also published the free monthly cyclostyled newsletter, Mass Line, that was edited by Eskor Toyo with me as associate editor, following my appointment as the unpaid Director of Administration for the Directorate. Other leaders of the project included Comrades Akpan Ekpo, Edwin Madunagu, Bene Madunagu, Okonete Ekanem, Princewill Alozie, and leaders of trade union branches,   all working on voluntary bases without payment. We even had a Youth Corps Member assigned to the project and we eventually acquired an office building with a clerk and a messenger on the payroll.

I remember when we started, how we used to sit under a tree and listen to Eskor as he clarified one political economy principle or another for the workers, journalists and the university teachers alike during passionate debates. One lesson that Eskor taught us was that contrary to the assumption by the ruling class and the masses alike that ethnicity and religion were the most important principles in Nigerian politics, the dominant principle remained class consciousness. This was because, according to him, whatever your religion or ethnicity, you would have privileged access to the governor or the top traditional ruler in any state if you are rich whereas the indigenes would never have that if they are poor. Hence, the masses should transcend ethnicity and sectarianism and join their fellow sufferers to break the chains of suffering in the land because our people had suffered enough (the motto of Mass Line).

Working with the Calabar Municipal Government of the late Bassey Ekpo Bassey, the Directorate for Literacy supported the setting up of micro industries, the construction of new school buildings, the abolition of refuse-collection levies and the abolition of school fees in elementary schools even against the opposition of the military governor of the state. Imagine what could have been achieved if every university in the country embarked on similar outreach projects to combat literacy across the country in alliance with popular organizations, with every local government authority and with the additional support of every state government and the federal government. Corporate citizens and wealthy individuals could also endow funds to support such literacy campaigns.

Similar projects should be set up in partnership with popular organizations across the country to help us to address the shameful statistics that the National Population Council announced recently – that in some states of the country, more than 70% of the adults remain illiterate while the better states could only boast of about 70% literacy rates and many of the children are dropping out from school. With support from the federal, state and local government authorities, in addition to organized labour and other popular organizations, I am certain that we could launch a similar program nation-wide with a target of 100% literacy rate within four years. Cuba did something similar after the revolution of 1959 by mobilizing the literate youth and funding them to go across the country and emancipate the entire population from illiteracy. I believe that Nigerians are capable of achieving this feat even without waiting for a Cuba-type revolution if the political will is there to tackle illiteracy decisively.

The above assumption is based on the hypotheses that anyone who completes four years of schooling should be able to read and write. Thus, if we embark on an aggressive literacy campaign from now, by the time the Jonathan-Sambo presidency completes its term in four years, we would have a 100% literacy rate in the country. This would be a major achievement by Nigerians and the effects would be felt across the country given that illiteracy is correlated with higher infant mortality, higher maternal mortality, higher poverty rates, and higher rates of violence in the polity, as Festus Iyayi inferred in his novel, Violence.

Some commentators have suggested that the problems of illiteracy and political violence are mainly Northern problems to be addressed there only. I beg to disagree. Illiteracy is a problem for us all and we all should be concerned about it in every corner of the nation. Moreover, political violence took place in every part of the country during the elections and not exclusively in the north. If the results of the elections had been dichotomized as it was but with Buhari emerging as the winner, it is predictable that parts of the south could have exploded in violence the way the north did. I agree that the ones who orchestrate political violence are frequently the members of the elite who are themselves relatively well educated. However, if we educate all our people, it will be more difficult for politicians to mobilize educated youth and ask them to go and kill and die for them when they know that the corrupt politicians are not worth dying for.

It is true that literacy is not all that it takes to end a culture of violence given that the most literate societies are far from being violence–free. In that connection, we will need to plan to go beyond mass literacy towards higher learning for at least 10% of our population as WEB Du Bois once demanded for the former enslaved African Americans. Hence more scholarships should be made available for poor students with courses on study skills to help them to master the arts and science of higher learning, thereby improving their life chances but also making them more likely to resort to dialogue as the preferred solution to disagreements. On graduation from higher education institutions, those who complete the National Youth Service Corps should be invited to enter for business plan competitions and the ones with the best business plans should be given grants, not loans, to set up their businesses with support from business extension services to help them to succeed and thereby create more jobs for their fellow youth.

The cowardly killing of Youth Service Corps members during the violence comes from the mindset that sees them as educated people and so the only way for the illiterate to rise up was by pulling down those who had risen rather than rising with the brethren and sisteren. The allocation of payment to their families is commendable but I agree with those who say that the payment should be increased at least four times to twenty million naira per family. In addition, the innocent poor who were killed during the violence should also have at least one million naira paid to their families as compensation. Finally, the victims of similar political violence in our history should also be paid damages that would be token reminders to all that we value the lives of all our people and to discourage violent agitators from unleashing this brutal orgy of violence periodically.

Violence may be endemic because the country is yet to address the pogroms that led to the civil war in any meaningful way, suggesting that such mass violence is tolerated with impunity. Since we cannot punish every perpetrator of mass violence as Rwanda discovered after the genocide, we need a policy of reparative justice by allocating huge funds for the rehabilitation of our fellow citizens any time and every time ignorance leads to massacres. Perhaps, if Yakubu Gowon had announced billions of pounds with which to rehabilitate the survivors of the pogrom as Chukwuemeka Ojukwu and Nnamdi Azikiwe had called for at the time, and as Wole Soyinka advocates, we may never have experienced a genocidal war in which the lives of Nigerians were cheapened enough to be wasted every now and then as part of the national psyche. It is not yet too late to address that monumental injustice the way submissions at the Justice Oputa Panel recommended.

Dr. Biko Agozino is a Professor of Sociology and Director of Africana Studies Program, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA 24061: agozino@vt.edu