By Biko Agozino
The US constitution makes no reference to an
opposition party and so the US
has no official opposition party but the Tea Party Republicans appear not to0 know this. To what extent can we say that the Tea Party has fulfilled the
role of an opposition party in US politics and what price are Americans paying for
such a constitutional anomaly? My contention is that whereas a robust opposition is essential to
good governance, an official opposition party is neither a necessary nor a
sufficient condition for a robust opposition. One can exist without the other. Choosing to oppose the Affordable Care Act by shutting down the federal government goes to show the wisdom of the Founding fathers in not providing for a party that is defined by opposition to the governing party, right or wrong.
Most of
the references around the world to 'opposition parties' were to the announcement of new opposition
parties, the banning of opposition parties or the murder or jailing of their
leaders, the perceived weakness of the opposition, or the intolerant might of
ruling parties around the world. Occasionally, organized labor is recognized as
the only viable ‘opposition group’, or religious groups and religious leaders
sometimes fulfill the expectation of opposition groupings in some polities.
Moreover,
a word search of the US Constitution - the first modern presidential
constitution after which many existing presidential systems were cloned -
revealed that the word was never used even once by the framers of the
constitution. A similar search of the American-style Nigerian presidential
constitution found no instance of the word. Why is it that a term that is used
frequently in political discourse lacks any clear definition in law and in
political philosophy around the world? Why is it that there is no official
opposition party in the US
and would it make any difference if the minority party is formally recognized
as the official opposition party under presidential systems of governance?
Theories
of governmentality (or the discourse of governance) are relatively silent on the role of the opposition as a
part of civil democratic governance and
Michel Foucault was also silent on this in his theory of governmentality with reference to the administration of populations in the European Middle Age that brooked no opposition. From African traditional political thought
, similarly, there was no notion of a party whose official role it was to
oppose the government of the day. Similar consensus philosophies of government
can be found in Asia, among American Indian Natives, Aboriginal Australians and indigenous Europeans of different nationalities.
Machiavelli
clearly advised the modern Prince to crush all opposition as the surest means
of consolidating power. In line with this philosophy, Thomas Hobbes was unique
among social contract theorists for recommending that the sovereign should be
an absolute monarch who should have the authority to check the inherent
selfishness of human beings or else they would revert to a state of nature that
Hobbes saw as the state of a war of each against all where life would be nasty,
brutish and short. However, we must not forget that Machiavelli and Hobbes were
writing at a time that monarchs were believed to have a divine right to rule
and so any questioning of the monarch’s authority could have resulted in
execution for apparently opposing the will of God. Writing about 100 years
after Hobbes in a relatively more enlightened time, John Locke and Jean-Jacque
Rousseau were bolder in calling for a representative system of government in
which the people should have the right to elect their rulers and retain the
right to recall them if they do not serve the best interest of the people.
The
American founding fathers agreed with Locke and Rousseau perhaps because they
won their independence after fighting against the army of the British monarch,
King George. They debated whether to call their new leader, George Washington,
a king, an emperor or a chancellor but finally settled for the president.
Americans found persuasive, the argument of Rousseau that all men were created
equal and endowed with the ability to reason by their creator for the purpose
of choosing how they should be governed by themselves. If human beings were as
bad as Hobbes presumed, by nature, then it would be inconceivable that such ‘a
race of devils’ would one day wake up and slap their buttocks and come to an
agreement to give up some of their rights in return for the equal protection of
all by the sovereign. Rich white American men adopted the Lockean philosophy
for centuries even while their fellow human beings continued to be enslaved
(Locke did justify slavery under certain conditions) and while women were not
regarded as citizens, a discriminatory practice that continued even after a constitutional
amendment was passed to enshrine the principle of equal protection within the
law.
Karl Marx
was one of the earliest theorists of opposition politics for he openly
challenged the assumption of the social contract theorists that since
capitalists sign business contracts, then the origin of civil society must have
been a philistine calculation of profits and losses in a similar social
contract. According to him, whether the parties know it or not, there is not
just one opposition party since both parties are usually opposed to each
other‘s interests. The slave versus the slave master, the serf versus the free
man, the capitalist versus the worker, or simply, the exploiter versus the
exploited. Yet, even Marx predicted that some day, there will be no more need
for an opposition because when the workers defeat the capitalists, they would
build a classless society and bring an end to exploitation, an end to classes
and to class struggles. He even suggested that the capitalist state would
wither away along with capitalist law when society takes from each according to
his ability and gives to each according to his needs. That was probably why
Lenin ridiculed those who wanted to form an opposition group of left-wing
communists as people suffering from an infantile disorder. Under all known
communist style states, there is no room for an official opposition party. East Germany
experimented with multi-party democracy but all the parties were subscribed to
the same ideology and so could not count as opposition parties.
Marx
Weber was one of the fiercest critics of
Marx on socialism. Weber defined power as the ability to get people to
do something even against their wish while Marx believed that human beings can
be organized to do the right thing without being forced. Weber sharply
disagreed with Marx that class struggle is the driving force of history and instead
suggested that bureaucratization or rational administration was the driving
force of history. He saw two types of leadership in the world - rational leadership
and irrational leadership. Irrational leadership includes charismatic
leadership under which people follow a leader because the leader is able to
mobilize them into action. Gradually, according to Weber, the charisma of the
leader will undergo routinization or increased bureaucratization. Weber saw the
American presidential system as approximating a charismatic leadership model
but he did not envisage a role for an official opposition party within what he
saw as the technically superior system of bureaucratic leadership that is
supposedly based on formal rules and was run by trained professionals.
Noam
Chomsky agrees more with Marx than with Weber. To him, consent is manufactured
by the bureaucratic media but dissent continues to be expressed across the
world. Such dissent is seen by him to be politically incorrect because it does
not agree with the dominant groups in society whose views are accepted as
politically correct. Chomsky calls for greater access to the freedom of
expression to be guaranteed to opponents of his own views so as to enable him
to respond to them publicly. He notes that the reverse is the case around the
world where opposition politicians are hunted down like common criminals,
making it more likely that opposition would go underground only to manifest in
less desirable forms.
The
official recognition of an opposition party in some European systems of
governance varies from country to country but in reality, hardly any of the
opposition parties opposes the ruling party any more than the minority party
does in America.
The opposition system has survived more in the British parliamentary system
where the two major parties duel daily in the House of Commons on policy
options although everyone swears allegiance to the throne. In France and
Germany where they have done away with the monarchy, they have a president and
a Prime Minister or Chancellor who share power in ways similar to the Queen and
the Prime Minister in Britain.
Americans
may have rejected the terminology of official opposition because they have no
executive dichotomy between the Head of State and the Head of Government as
many European governments do. Perhaps the legendary pragmatism of the Americans
led them to believe that the term ‘opposition’ is pretentious since all politicians
swear allegiance to their nation and both the majority and minority parties
cooperate to run the country together. In the presidential system, the people
are seen as the ones who have the power
to change their leaders either through a recall election, through a fresh
election or through mass action. This makes it possible for an American
president to remain in office even if his party is in the minority in the
congress and the senate. Such a situation would trigger a fresh election in a
parliamentary system that has an official opposition party.
The
philosophical reasons for the US alternative terminology (majority and minority
parties) should be re-examined as the Tea Party seeks to distort and truncate the US presidential
system by trying to make an ideological minority tail wag the dog of democracy. The Republican Party Congressmen should not use their control of one-third of the three arms of government to hold Americans hostage unless President Barack Obama agrees to the defunding of his signature law that was duly passed and adjudicated to be constitutional by the Supreme Court, followed by approval in a referendum-like Presidential Election.
A common ground would be for the majority and the minority parties in Congress to pass a revenue-creating bill to end the Bush era tax cuts for the one percent of the population that do not need tax cuts and to deploy the extra revenue towards expanding the Affordable Care Act so that even more needy Americans could be covered and towards the rebuilding of public infrastructures to create jobs that would add to the recovery of the economy. To oppose a law that seeks to make anything like health more affordable to the people is an excellent good reason why the American Presidential Constitution evaded the provision of an official Opposition Party.
W.E.B. Du Bois was nearly jailed for trying to set up a Peace Movement during the era of McCarthyism but he was able to convince the US Supreme Court that peace does not belong exclusively to any enemy foreign country and that all human beings (including Americans) should be seen as peace lovers without any opposition to peace from any country. The same should be the case with making health care affordable and with raising revenue for the government to fulfill its obligations to provide equal protection of all. The Republicans are spinning this to suggest that President Obama does not wish to negotiate but he should agree to negotiate for increased revenue with which to make affordable care even more affordable as even ignorant people who oppose Obamacare for ideological reasons still confess that they support the affordable care act.
, Department of Sociology & Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta, Edmonton.
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